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	<title>Comments on: Leegin Analysis</title>
	<link>http://www.antitrustreview.com/archives/1041</link>
	<description>News and commentary about antitrust, economics, technology, policy</description>
	<pubDate>Sat, 22 Nov 2008 00:09:21 +0000</pubDate>
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		<title>By: Ralf Michaels</title>
		<link>http://www.antitrustreview.com/archives/1041#comment-9067</link>
		<author>Ralf Michaels</author>
		<pubDate>Sat, 21 Jul 2007 07:26:39 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid>http://www.antitrustreview.com/archives/1041#comment-9067</guid>
		<description>&lt;p&gt;David,
support for Breyer's point comes from precedent. Indeed, Breyer himself has made a similar argument before, in Empagran, and to great praise from defense lawyers then. (Yes, the matter was also comity, but the argument on complexity is at least in part separate).&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p&gt;"Even in this relatively simple price-fixing case, for example, competing briefs tell us (1) that potential treble-damage liability would help enforce widespread anti-price-fixing norms (through added deterrence) and (2) the opposite, namely that such liability would hinder antitrust enforcement (by reducing incentives to enter amnesty programs). Compare, e.g., Brief for Certain Professors of Economics as Amici Curiae 2–4 with Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae 19–21. How could a court seriously interested in resolving so empirical a matter—a matter potentially related to impact on foreign interests—do so simply and expeditiously?"&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p&gt;So if nothing else, at least he is consistent, right?&lt;/p&gt;
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		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>David,
support for Breyer&#8217;s point comes from precedent. Indeed, Breyer himself has made a similar argument before, in Empagran, and to great praise from defense lawyers then. (Yes, the matter was also comity, but the argument on complexity is at least in part separate).</p>

<p>&#8220;Even in this relatively simple price-fixing case, for example, competing briefs tell us (1) that potential treble-damage liability would help enforce widespread anti-price-fixing norms (through added deterrence) and (2) the opposite, namely that such liability would hinder antitrust enforcement (by reducing incentives to enter amnesty programs). Compare, e.g., Brief for Certain Professors of Economics as Amici Curiae 2–4 with Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae 19–21. How could a court seriously interested in resolving so empirical a matter—a matter potentially related to impact on foreign interests—do so simply and expeditiously?&#8221;</p>

<p>So if nothing else, at least he is consistent, right?</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<title>By: David Fischer</title>
		<link>http://www.antitrustreview.com/archives/1041#comment-9063</link>
		<author>David Fischer</author>
		<pubDate>Wed, 18 Jul 2007 00:22:18 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid>http://www.antitrustreview.com/archives/1041#comment-9063</guid>
		<description>&lt;p&gt;I may not have explained myself well.  I have three problems with Justice Breyer's assertion that "One cannot fairly expect judges and juries in such cases to apply complex economic criteria without making a considerable number of mistakes, which themselves may impose serious costs."  First, the citations in the opinion do not seem to support the assertion.  Second, I am not aware of any support for the statement (but please forward it to me if you have any).  As for the argument that Congress ratified Dr. Miles via the Consumer Goods Pricing Act, I personally agree with Justice Kennedy's analysis on pages 25-28 of the slip opinion.  Third, even if you think we should remove juries from judging cases that apply complex economic criteria, then Congress (and state legislatures as to state antitrust acts) - not judges - should do this, not Congress.  And Congress has not done that.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p&gt;To be clear, I believe Justice Breyer is is making the argument that because a per se rule is easier to administrate - in part because we "cannot fairly expect judges and juries in such cases to apply complex economic criteria without making a considerable number of mistakes, which themselves may impose serious costs" - we should therefore keep the per se rule in place.  I also disagree with Justice Breyer on the substance on this issue.  I disagree, of course, that juries and judges cannot fairly be expected to apply complex economic criteria; and even if that were true, I do not believe that the costs would be so serious as to outweigh the benefits (I think the costs would be low in part because rule of reason cases are so hard to bring that few will be brought and the odds of mistakes being made are low).&lt;/p&gt;
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		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>I may not have explained myself well.  I have three problems with Justice Breyer&#8217;s assertion that &#8220;One cannot fairly expect judges and juries in such cases to apply complex economic criteria without making a considerable number of mistakes, which themselves may impose serious costs.&#8221;  First, the citations in the opinion do not seem to support the assertion.  Second, I am not aware of any support for the statement (but please forward it to me if you have any).  As for the argument that Congress ratified Dr. Miles via the Consumer Goods Pricing Act, I personally agree with Justice Kennedy&#8217;s analysis on pages 25-28 of the slip opinion.  Third, even if you think we should remove juries from judging cases that apply complex economic criteria, then Congress (and state legislatures as to state antitrust acts) - not judges - should do this, not Congress.  And Congress has not done that.</p>

<p>To be clear, I believe Justice Breyer is is making the argument that because a per se rule is easier to administrate - in part because we &#8220;cannot fairly expect judges and juries in such cases to apply complex economic criteria without making a considerable number of mistakes, which themselves may impose serious costs&#8221; - we should therefore keep the per se rule in place.  I also disagree with Justice Breyer on the substance on this issue.  I disagree, of course, that juries and judges cannot fairly be expected to apply complex economic criteria; and even if that were true, I do not believe that the costs would be so serious as to outweigh the benefits (I think the costs would be low in part because rule of reason cases are so hard to bring that few will be brought and the odds of mistakes being made are low).</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<title>By: PG</title>
		<link>http://www.antitrustreview.com/archives/1041#comment-9062</link>
		<author>PG</author>
		<pubDate>Tue, 17 Jul 2007 06:20:49 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid>http://www.antitrustreview.com/archives/1041#comment-9062</guid>
		<description>&lt;p&gt;Given that Congress has implied quite strongly, &lt;a href="http://www.blogdenovo.org/archives/001733.html" rel="nofollow"&gt;particularly&lt;/a&gt; through the Consumer Goods Pricing Act of 1975, that it &lt;em&gt;does&lt;/em&gt; think judges and juries ought not be deciding on a case-by-case basis whether vertical price fixing is permissible, I'm not quite sure why you think the removal of decision-making would be done by Breyer.&lt;/p&gt;
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		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Given that Congress has implied quite strongly, <a href="http://www.blogdenovo.org/archives/001733.html" rel="nofollow">particularly</a> through the Consumer Goods Pricing Act of 1975, that it <em>does</em> think judges and juries ought not be deciding on a case-by-case basis whether vertical price fixing is permissible, I&#8217;m not quite sure why you think the removal of decision-making would be done by Breyer.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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